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What the Houari is going on in Algeria?

04/15/2010


Algeria is perhaps one of the most unclear and peculiar conflict cases in recent history. Despite increasing economic stability as a result of their large oil and natural gas reserves, there is still turmoil within this North African nation. Unfortunately, the Algerian government is accused of hiding information from the international community and suppressing dissenting media; this results in some lack or even fabrication of evidence in certain situations that must be kept in mind.

Like many of the surrounding countries, Algeria is a largely Islamic nation that was colonized by European powers during the 19th and 20th centuries. The French invaded as early as 1830, but it could not be considered a colony until roughly 1900. The indigenous people suffered intensely under colonial rule: roughly 1/3 of the population disappeared, literacy rates collapsed to an all-time low, large percentages of land were confiscated and given to European settlers and Muslim inhabitants were prohibited from government participation.

In 1954, the National Liberation Front (FLN) began a guerrilla war for independence that lasted until 1962. Throughout this war, terrorism and torture ran rampant on all sides as domestic groups jockeyed for a position of power. When the war was finally brought to a close, roughly 200,000 people had been killed and the population had voted for independence from France. The first election placed FLN leader Ahmed Ben Bella in the presidency, but he was overthrown only 2 years later by Houari Boumédienne, who pushed the country towards collectivism, nationalization of industries and authoritarianism. In 1978, following Houari’s death, Chadli Bendjedid assumed control. Despite some successful attempts at modernization (including raising literacy rates and diversifying the economy), corruption was still an issue.

This led to the election events of 1991, where Chadli was forced to allow other parties to because of internal pressure. The Islamic Salvation Front won the first round of the elections, but the military intervened immediately after, causing the Algerian Civil War.

The civil war lasted from 1991 to 2002, and the aftermath is still present today. Islamic groups were furious at the military for blocking their election (and for placing a military officer in charge of the government through rigged elections), and launched guerrilla warfare against them. The military party (still the FLN of old) claimed that Islamic control would end all semblances of democracy, and used this justification to routinely kill civilians suspected of being terrorists. By 2002, most of the Islamic militant groups had collapsed, arguably ending the war. Abdelaziz Bouteflika, who had assumed the presidency in 1999, has made several attempts at reconciliation between all sides of the conflict. These attempts, however, are viewed as biased in favor of those on the winning side of the civil war by groups such as the Salafist Group for Preaching and Combat (GSPC). The GSPC, partnering with al-Qaeda, continues to attack the Algerian government to gain control of the state. This insurgency has spread to neighboring Mauritania and Morocco, and no moves made by Bouteflika have been able to quell the GSPC.

Despite outward appearances, the Algerian conflict is not one of religion. 98% of the civilians are, in fact, Muslim. The question then is who will assume power and what will the government turn into? Bouteflika’s election is of questionable legality (opponents argue that he was the only candidate covered by the government-controlled media), and claims that the GSPC’s government would be authoritarian and based only on Sharia law are also of questionable truth. The future of Algeria is uncertain; if the situation with the GSPC is not addressed, another civil war is very likely. But is a power-sharing agreement an acceptable alternative to the military-controlled state?

The purpose of this column is to inform people about global events. While one article is not enough to fully explain a conflict, it is enough to provide the reader with the basics. It is my hope that when you are finished reading, you can readily answer the question, “What the (blank) is going on in (blank?)”